Funded by : University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Funding Years: 2015-2016
Diabetes is a complex, chronic disease encompassing many domains of treatment. VHA and others have created diabetes guidelines to help support providers and patients in making choices about optimal treatment approaches. However, most guidelines are broad in nature, and offer relatively little guidance on how to personalize care in order to maximize treatment benefits, minimize the intensity and negative effects of treatment, and best align with individual treatment preferences.
We will test the effectiveness of a personalized decision support program. Our long term goals are:
We propose an interventional study to examine the effectiveness of personalized decision support. The intervention will consist of two key components: a decision coach and a personalized diabetes decision support tool. The decision support tool has mostly been developed via AHRQ and local pilot funding mechanisms, and is informed by personalized estimation of treatment benefits for blood glucose, blood pressure, and lipid treatment based on extensive modeling work done by our investigative team. The personalized benefit information is communicated through graphical risk communication methods (pictographs).
PI(s): Angela Fagerlin
Tell us what you think about certain public policies designed to reduce the incidence of diabetes in the US.
Please read this hypothetical news article and then answer a few questions at the end.
Generally speaking, do you usually think of yourself as a Republican, a Democrat, an Independent, or what?
Researchers affiliated with CBDSM and the School of Public Health have found that "Americans' opinions about health policy are polarized on political partisan lines. Democrats and Republicans differ in the ways that they receive and react to messages about the social determinants of health."
In the study, lead author Sarah Gollust, PhD, randomly assigned participants to read one of four hypothetical news articles about type 2 diabetes. Diabetes was used as an example of a common health issue that is widely debated and that is known to have multiple contributing factors, including genetic predisposition, behavioral choices, and social determinants (such as income or neighborhood environments).
The articles were identical except for the causal frame embedded in the text. The article that you read in this Decision of the Month presented social determinants as a cause for type 2 diabetes. Other versions of the article presented genetic predisposition or behavioral choices as a cause for type 2 diabetes, and one version had no causal language.
Dr. Gollust then asked the study participants their views of seven nonmedical governmental policies related to the environmental, neighborhood, or economic determinants of diabetes:
Dr. Gollust also asked participants their political party identification and a number of other self-reported characteristics.
The most dramatic finding of this study was that the news story with the social determinants as a cause for type 2 diabetes had significantly different effects on the policy views of participants, depending on whether they identified themselves as Democrats or Republicans. After reading the social determinants article, Democrats expressed a higher level of support for the proposed public health policies. Republicans expressed a lower level of support for the proposed public health policies. This effect occurred only in the group of participants who were randomly assigned to read the version of the news article with social determinants given as a cause for type 2 diabetes. Dr. Gollust summarizes: "Exposure to the social determinants message produced a divergence of opinion by political party, with Democrats and Republicans differing in their opinions by nearly 0.5 units of the 5-point scale."
The study suggests several possible explanations for these results:
"First, the social determinants media frame may have presumed a liberal worldview to which the Republican study participants disagreed or found factually erroneous (ie, not credible), but with which Democrats felt more comfortable or found more familiar. . . Second, media consumption is becoming increasingly polarized by party identification, and . . . the social determinants message may have appeared particularly biased to Republicans. . .Third, the social determinants frame may have primed, or activated, study participants' underlying attitudes about the social group highlighted in the news article. . . Fourth, participants' party identification likely serves as proxy for . . . values held regarding personal versus social responsibility for health."
Dr. Gollust and her colleagues conclude that if public health advocates want to mobilize the American public to support certain health policies, a segmented communication approach may be needed. Some subgroups of Americans will not find a message about social determinants credible. These subgroups value personal responsibility and find social determinants antagonistic to their worldview. To avoid triggering immediate resistance by these citizens to information about social determinants of health, public health advocates may consider the use of information about individual behavioral factors in educational materials, while working to build public familiarity with and acceptance of research data on social determinants.
Colorectal cancer has a major impact on Americans, yet its screening rate remains suboptimal. This study aims to improve colorectal cancer screening rate by using an innovative and interactive decision aid that helps patients choose among colorectal cancer screening options. The study will also elucidate how patients and physicians discuss colorectal cancer screening options. for more information visit NIH Reporter.
PI: Masahito Jimbo
Co-I: Sarah Hawley
A longer life may result from the amount of social support present in your life, but is the longevity due to giving or receiving that support?
Imagine that in your busy schedule each week, you typically at least have Wednesday and Saturday nights free as time to spend however you want. Recently, however, one of your close friends had her car break down and now she is wondering whether you would be willing to drive her to and from a yoga class on Wednesday nights for the next three weeks while the car is in the shop. She told you that the class is only about a 15 minute drive each way. She said that you shouldn't feel pressured, and she just thought she'd ask if you had the time to help her out.
A research team of investigators at the U of M Institute for Social Research teamed up with CBDSM investigator, Dylan Smith, to conduct a study investigating whether giving or receiving help affects longevity. The researchers noted that receiving social support is likely to be correlated with other aspects of close relationships, including the extent to which individuals give to one another. Based on this, they hypothesized that some of the benefits of social contact, sometimes attributed to receiving support from others, may instead be due to the act of giving support to others.
Using a sample of 423 married couples from the Detroit area, the investigators conducted face-to-face interviews over an 11-month period. The interviews assessed the amount of instrumental support respondents had given to and received from neighbors, friends, and relatives, as well as the amount of emotional support they had given to and received from their spouse. Instrumental support included things like helping with transportation, errands, and child care, whereas emotional support involved having open discussions with a spouse and feeling emotionally supported. Mortality was monitored over a 5-year period by checking daily obituaries and monthly death record tapes provided by the State of Michigan. To control for the possibility that any beneficial effects of giving support are due to a type of mental or physical robustness that underlies both giving and mortality risk, the investigators also measured a variety of demographic, health, and individual difference variables, including social contact and dependence on the spouse.
The investigators found that those who reported giving support to others had a reduced risk of mortality. This was true for both instrumental supoprt given to neighbors, friends, and relatives, and for emotional support given to a spouse. They also found that the relationship between receiving social support and mortality depended on other factors. Specifically, receiving emotional support appeared to reduce the risk of mortality when dependence on spouse, but not giving emotional support, was controlled. Receiving instrumental support from others actually increased the risk of mortality when giving support, but not dependence on spouse, was controlled.
It appears from these results that the benefits of social contact are mostly associated with giving rather than receiving. Measures that assess receiving alone may be imprecise, producing different results as a function of dependence and giving support.
Given the correlational nature of this study, it is not possible to determine conclusively that giving support accounts for the social benefit traditionally associated with receiving support. Nevertheless, the results of the present study should be considered a strong argument for the inclusion of measures of giving support in future studies of social support, and perhaps more importantly, researchers should be cautious of assuming that the benefits of social contact reside in receiving support.
It's true that when helping others out, you might have to give up some of your own time, but based on the above findings, it looks like in the long run you may end up ultimately gaining more time.
Providing social support may be more beneficial than receiving it: results from a prospective study of mortality.
Brown S, Nesse RM, Vinokur AD, Smith DM. Psychological Science 2003;14:320-327.
Could you cope and find happiness if you were living with paraplegia? Think about what it would be like to have paraplegia and to imagine the impact of this disability on your life. Although some aspects of your life will become more difficult, there are ways to make your daily life a little easier.
List something that would help you to adapt physically if you had paraplegia. (For example, if you lost your eyesight, you could learn Braille, and/or use a cane). Just as there are ways to help you to adapt physically to paraplegia, there are also ways to help handle the immediate and long-term emotional reactions. List a strategy that you would use to emotionally cope with having paraplegia.
Please think about the two most upsetting things about developing paraplegia. Do you think these two things would become more or less upsetting over time?
Please rate paraplegia on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0=quality of life as bad as death and 100=quality of life as good as perfect health.
Those who were given the adaptation exercise rated paraplegia much higher, 62. That means considering adaption tends to have people look more favorably on paraplegia than they otherwise would. For most people, the adaptation exercise resulted in higher ratings. Let's take a closer look at the actual study and explore the importance of considering adaptation.
When people first think about a disability, it might seem pretty catastrophic. At first glance, you might think that people living with paraplegia must be miserable. Patients who actually have paraplegia, however, report their quality of life to be significantly better than the public estimates that it would be. It appears, then, that there is a discrepancy between the self-rated quality of life of people with paraplegia, and healthy people's estimates of what their quality of life would be if they had this condition.
CBDSM director Peter Ubel teamed up with researchers Christopher Jepson and George Loewenstein to conduct a series of studies that aimed to explain why this discrepancy exists. Past research has suggested that patients do not overestimate their good mood, which led the researchers to hypothesize that, in fact, non-patients truly underestimate the quality of life experienced by people with disabilities. The researchers speculated about two explanations that could account for this underestimation. One possibility is that non-patients may be subject to a focusing illusion. That is, they might fail to appreciate that not all life domains or life events will be affected by the disability. Another possibility is that non-patients may be failing to consider adaptation, unable to realize how their feelings and their ability to cope will change over time.
In one study, each subject received one of several defocusing tasks in addition to rating paraplegia. For example, one of these tasks asked subjects to rate how much better or worse their life would be with regards to eight specific life events (e.g., visiting with friends). Another task asked subjects to think of five events that took up the largest amount of their time the preceding day and to rate how much better or worse these events would be if they had paraplegia. In a second study, subjects received one of several adaptation exercise in addition to rating paraplegia. One of these was similar to what you read on the previous page, although more extensive. Another had subjects consider their quality of life both 1 month and 5 years after developing paraplegia. In both studies, sujects rated paraplegia either before and after or only after completing an intervention.
The researchers found that none of the defocusing tasks had any effect on ratings of paraplegia. In fact, these tasks actually caused many participants to give lower ratings than they would have otherwise. All of the adaptation exercises, on the other hand, increased subjects' ratings of paraplegia. Taken together, these results support that the tendency of nonpatients to underestimate the quality of life associated with disabilities is not the result of a focusing illusion, but rather the result of failure to consider adaptation.
Disability and sunshine: Can predictions be improved by drawing attention to focusing illusions or emotional adaptation?
Ubel PA, Jepson C, Loewenstein G. American Journal of Psychiatry 2005;11:111-123.
David Hutton will be speaking about a project to examine how patients and providers make decisions and value different attributes of high-cost biologic medications for ophthalmologic use.
Imagine that you are the parent of a 1-month-old infant. Your infant spits up a lot. Often there is so much spit-up that you are amazed that there is anything left in your infant’s stomach. After spitting-up, your infant cries a lot. The crying and spitting seems especially bad after eating. But sometimes it seems like she is uncomfortable most of the time. It seems like there is nothing that you can do to stop the crying or to soothe your infant. You are worried that an infant who is this uncomfortable, and that spits up this much, might not be healthy. So, you decided to take your infant to the doctor to be checked.
After listening to your story and examining your infant, your doctor says, “You infant has something called GERD, or Gastroesophageal Reflux Disease. GERD happens when infants have a weak valve at the entrance to their stomach and, as a result, food and acid from the stomach can travel back up toward the infant’s mouth. When this happens, the infant may spit-up, and the acid in the spit-up may make her uncomfortable, and cause her to cry. Some doctors prescribe a medication that is often used to treat infants with GERD. Most infants grow out of GERD on their own, but medication is an option if you want it. However, studies have shown that this medicine probably doesn’t do anything to help improve symptoms in babies with GERD. This is the same medication that is taken by adults who have bothersome heartburn. This medication is generally considered safe for infants, and rarely causes serious side effects. I’ll give you this prescription and leave it up to you to decide whether or not you want to give it to your infant.”
Brian Zikmund-Fisher, PhD, gave a talk at the Small Group Meeting on Risk 2.0: Risk Perception and Communication Regarding Vaccination Decisions in the Age of Web 2.0 at Universitat Erfurt, Erfurt, Germany, on May 13, 2011.
For certain diseases, receiving treatment can disrupt daily life considerably. How would this disruption affect your happiness?
Think about your average mood during a typical week. How would you rate your average mood?
Past research has shown that there are serious health conditions that do not seem to be as badly experienced by the people living with them as healthy people would expect. Although the existence of this discrepancy is well established at this point, its cause is not. One possibility is that patients are exaggerating their well-being. They may be focusing on periods of positive mood even though they actually experience lengthy periods of negative mood. On the other hand, patients might be as happy as they report and healthy people might very much be overestimating the negative impact of the illness. A related explanation comes from evidence that healthy people tend to underestimate their own past moods, recalling negative times more readily than positive times. This would then make them more likely to also understate the well-being of other people as well, and this could contribute to the discrepancy.
Jason Riis, a researcher at the University of Michigan, teamed up with investigators from CBDSM and the University of Pennsylvania to conduct a study with the goal of finding out which of the above explanations is accountable for the discrepancy. To accomplish this, they set out to measure mood in two ways. One way is to ask individuals to estimate their average mood. The other way is to measure mood on a momentary basis, asking individuals at frequent intervals to indicate their mood at the moment, and then taking the average of these responses. This latter way of assessing mood is less influenced by biased recall than just asking subjects to estimate overall mood.
The investigators recruited 49 end-stage renal patients receiving hemodialysis treatment three times per week and 49 healthy controls who were matched to the patients on age, race, sex, and education. Subjects were first given an entry interview during which they estimated their average mood. They were then asked to carry around Palm Pilots for a week that beeped at random intervals, prompting them to indicate their mood at the moment. After carrying the Palm Pilots around for a week, subjects completed an exit interview that asked them to recall their average mood in the last week and to again estimate their average mood in general. Healthy subjects also estimated what they thought their average mood would be if they were a hemodialysis patient.
The investigators found that patients' average momentary moods were no lower than their estimated average mood, thus finding no evidence that patients exaggerate their mood. In fact, they failed to find any evidence that patients experience lower moods than healthy controls. In appears, then, that hemodialysis patients do largely adapt to their condition. On the other hand, healthy controls did rate that their average mood would be lower if they were homodialysis patients. Thus, the previously observed tendency of healthy people to underestimate the reported quality of life of people with various health conditions does seem to be due, in large part, to their misperception of the extent to which people can adapt to such conditions. In this study, healthy people also underestimated their own average mood. This could also account for some of the discrepancy, but the effect was not very large.
Ignorance of adaptation can have negative consequences for decision making. It can cause individuals to opt for unnecessarily risky surgeries and policymakers to invest in programs that have a minimal impact on people's well-being. This is not to say that research and treatment of kidney disease should not continue to be priorities, but in making difficult policy decisions, consideration of the moods experienced by patients may influence priorities between serious conditions such as, for example, paraplegia and depression. The results of this study suggest that policy makers should proceed with caition because healthy people's apparent exaggeration of the influence of illness on mood can lead to incorrect perceptions of how illness will influence quality of life.
Ignorance of hedonic adaptation to hemo-dialysis: a study using ecological momentary assessment.
Riis J, Loewenstein G, Baron J, Jepson C, Fagerlin A, Ubel PA. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 2005;134:3-9.